Prime Minister Starmer visited Wales' northern region this past Thursday to declare the building of a new nuclear power station. This represents a significant policy event with both local and national implications. Yet, the PM did not devote much time in Wales to promoting solutions for the UK's power requirements. Instead, he spent it trying to draw a line under the briefing controversy within Labour's leadership, telling journalists that Downing Street had not undermined the health secretary's goals in recent days.
Therefore, Sir Keir’s day served as a microcosm of what his premiership has evolved into overall. On the one hand, he wants his administration to be doing, and to be perceived as performing, significant actions. On the other hand, he is unable to accomplish this because of the way he – and, partly, the country more generally – now conducts political and governmental affairs.
Sir Keir is unable to change the political culture on his own, but he is able to take action about his personal involvement in it. The simple truth is that he could manage the centre of government much more effectively than he currently does. Should he achieve this, he could discover that the country was in less despair about his government than it is, and that he was getting his messages across more successfully.
Some of the issues in Downing Street are about personnel. The personal dynamics of every Downing Street operation are hard to know well from outside. Yet it appears clear that Sir Keir does not make sound staffing decisions, or stick with them. Maybe he is overly occupied. Possibly he lacks genuine interest. However, he must to improve his performance, avoid slow progress or by halves.
All premiers devote excessive time overseas and on foreign affairs, where Sir Keir should delegate more, and insufficient time talking to parliamentarians and hearing the public. Prime ministers also spend too much time doing media, which Sir Keir worsens by performing inadequately. But premiers cannot claim to be surprised when their politically appointed staff, who are often party loyalists or politically ambitious, cross lines or become the focus, as the chief of staff now has.
The most significant problems, though, are structural. It would be beneficial to believe that Sir Keir reviewed the Institute for Government’s spring 2024 study on reforming the centre of government. His inability to address these matters in the summer or since implies he did not. The frequently dismal performance of the Labour administration indicates recommendations like reorganizing the roles of the central government office and No 10, and separating the positions of top official and civil service head, are now urgent.
The political pre-eminence of prime ministers far outdistances the support available to them. As a result, all aspects suffer, and many tasks are poorly executed or neglected.
This is not Sir Keir’s sole responsibility. He stands as the casualty of past failures as well as the architect of present ones. Yet individuals who expected Sir Keir might get a grip on the centre and prioritize governmental structures have been let down. Unfortunately, the primary casualty from this shortcoming is Sir Keir personally.
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